Saturday, November 23, 2013

Norse Energy Bankruptcy Trustee to
Sue Cuomo on Indefinite Frack Ban

A couple public documents quietly popped Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2013 in a highly obscure location — Item Number 637, deep in the congested bowels of a federal bankruptcy court case — revealing a new strategy aimed at breaking the now-kindergarten-aged Shale Gas Stalemate in New York.

On Friday, I tried to get a much, much more widely read Marcellus shale news platform to run with this, but it didn't work out.  I'm instead killing some of my Saturday, at least temporarily cracking back open my moribund blog.  (Yeah, sorry about that; I've been a busy, dispirited New Yorker, making a living working on shale gas projects in West Virginia.)  I've combined the four relevant bankruptcy court pages to a single PDF and posted it to Scribd for all to see, interpret, mull over — and to celebrate or freak out about, depending:



The scoop on this, incidentally, belongs to "SONY," a Natural Gas Forum for Landowners participant, and to Binghamton, NY real estate lawyer Gary B. Kline, a Twitterer who goes by the handle @houseattorney.  For all I know, these may be two electronic incarnations of the same dude, as both
on Nov. 20 made cryptic references to the Norse trustee's plan to mount a legal challenge to New York State, such as here:

Just for the record, the documents are from U.S. Bankruptcy Court, Western District of New York (Buffalo), Bankruptcy Petition #: 1-12-13685-CLB.  Norse's first filing for bankruptcy is already nearly a year old, dating from Dec. 6, 2012.  Then the case was converted from the original reorganization attempt to a strip-and-unload situation as of Oct. 10, 2013.

So here's a layman's interpretation of this latest plan:  On behalf of a tiny, Norwegian oil and gas player, that's in the process of going bankrupt, and whose profile stands as a martyr to the unholy business climate in the Empire State, file an Article 78 proceeding, seeking to have a court force New York State government to do its job already — that is, to declare finally finished the environmental impact statement covering high-volume hydraulic fracturing (and then, presumably, to start issuing drilling permits).

Over the years, prior to going out of business, Norse Energy applied for a bunch of such permits, targeting both Marcellus and Utica shales, with drillsite locations spread atop its rural checkerboard of a leasehold in selected portions of Madison, Chenango, and Broome counties.  But all these applications have been collecting dust on an Albany shelf someplace, on account of New York's political inability to get its regulatory act together on fracking.

In New York, an "Article 78" proceeding is essentially The Last Bastion for Those Dispossessed by Government's Refusal to Act.  To prevail, you basically need a lot of money, and to find a judge who's similarly disgusted by the gridlock.

Technically, however, here's all that's happened so far:  The appointed lawyer-trustee in Norse Energy's Chapter 7 case (a wind-down bankruptcy) has asked the judge for permission to employ a specialist lawyer for a suit against New York State's Primary Foot-Draggers in the Shale Gas Quagmire — Governor Andrew Cuomo, DEC head Joe Martens, and DOH head Nirav Shah (both appointed by Cuomo, and therefore mere arms of his administration).

Word on the street is that something's supposed to break after the Thanksgiving holiday, when the courts happen to reopen for business on Monday, Dec. 2.

There wouldn't seem to be anybody in the bankruptcy courtroom with an interest in saying "No" to such a scheme.  The federal rep has already blessed the idea by saying "no objection" on Nov. 21.  And Norse's Stiffed Creditors are entitled to seek as many cents on the dollar as they can possibly scavenge from the would-be driller's carcass.  In the most optimistic strategic forecast, getting New York's shale gas blockade judicially lifted would overnight raise the market value of Norse's portfolio of inactive, aging oil and gas development leases — all of which have been granted over many prior years at low signing bonuses, delay rentals, and royalty rates by ever-hopeful upstate landowners.  Under New York's current, joke-worthy, "Open for Business" policy, the market value of this leasehold currently stands at basically zero.

The specialist lawyer the bankruptcy trustee wants to hire is Thomas S. West of Albany's West Law Firm, the top dog in a very small, native pool of gas industry representatives who are ready, willing, and able to go to work, should there ever be much such business to litigate over
in New York.  West is already the gas industry's rep in one of the handful of local drill ban challenges that are still hanging fire — in Norse Energy (it was originally Anschutz) versus Ithaca's exurban Town of Dryden, Tompkins County.  The Dryden case is supposedly due to be heard and decided at the appellate level sometime in 2014 — along with an essentially equivalent companion case featuring the slight difference of a landowner, a dairy farmer, being the one to challenge a local drill ban in Cooperstown's exurban Town of Middlefield, Otsego County.

Elsewhere upstream in the bankruptcy court's river of paper, the file shows the bankruptcy trustee had previously, in October 2013, formally rehired West to keep on keeping on with Norse's Dryden appeal.  And it further shows that West has been and is "handling that case based upon contributions from other industry sources."

That same sort of thickening plot also features in the Norse trustee's proposed Article 78 challenge, as there's word within the documents that West is prepared to go to work for free or "pro bono" — at least in so far as Norse, Norse's creditors, the trustee, or the court are concerned.  Instead, West proposes to get paid by "independent third parties ('The Funding Parties')" that have already agreed to finance such a case.  Needless to say, these funders aren't named, but it's a sure bet they ain't the Park Foundation.

The bottom line is that Norse's death is important enough to somebody, somewhere, that there's quite a bit of money being spent on the funeral, but not for flowers.  Instead, the file shows Norse's bankrupt Viking ghost is being propped up alongside West at the plaintiff's table for test cases at both the local and now statewide levels.  Whether New York State continues to sit out the whole production side of the shale gas revolution may well hang in the balance.  If Norse is, in the end, able to reach out from its grave, and make a difference for we survivors — yes, that would be something.

Let me just close with a long, bitter digression on the issue of behind-the-scenes funding in New York's ongoing, and pretty tiresome, frack battle.  Most media consumers hereabouts — dependent on an unbalanced diet of what passes for mainstream coverage in this state — are probably of the mistaken impression that this dispute exclusively involves the nefarious, profit-seeking Big Oil and Gas Industry, with lots of money to burn, going up against the not-for-profit, public-interest-oriented Environmental Groups, with just a sorry frayed shoestring to hold their colorful grassroots together.

It makes a compelling media narrative, partly because it's so familiar, and it seems to make sense to most innocent people.  At this point, everybody's already seen the undoubtedly expensive Clean Shale Gas Revolution television ads, featuring the straight-up blond woman, attempting to put out a cheerful wholesome counterpoint to a myriad of also undoubtedly expensive wild-eyed diatribes
put forth in a variety of media from the anti side.

The only trouble is that actual facts conflict with this narrative.  Leaving aside the well-established fact that the anti side is remarkably well-endowed in New York,
and also self-interested, my main case in point is the forgotten "other party" in this dispute — the pro-drilling, resource-owning landowners themselves, together with like-minded, Chamber of Commerce types with a legitimate interest in re-legalizing opportunity in upstate New York.

The land-owning stakeholders' primary representative is the Joint Landowners Coalition of New YorkSince February 2013, the JLCNY has been passing the hat for a similar legal challenge to New York State — on novel grounds that the state's interminable fracking delay amounts to an unjustly uncompensated "taking" of private property, which is illegal under both the state and federal constitutions.  (In America, all this started with the Bill of Rights, the 5th Amendment, which — among other colonial-era beefs — rules out
the taking of private property for public use, without just compensation.)

JLCNY has already lined up a sampling of model plaintiffs, most or all of whom were chosen for owning only mineral rights (no surface ownership), and who can therefore make the legally important argument that they've been stripped of all, or virtually all, their property.  JLCNY has also already announced its legal team has put in 300-plus hours organizing the complaint.

So why don't they file already?  It turns out, nine months later, the landowners group still does not have enough money!  In fact, at last word, in-the-know landowners were reporting that only $67,000 had been raised out of a funding goal of $100,000.  $100K may not even be enough to see the case through to either triumph, or whatever legal dead end it may be doomed to be funneled into.  But, regardless, they're not filing until they have the full $100K to get it rolling, and they just don't have it yet.

So what gives? 
If it were up to the leftward-ho Box Cake Mix Heirs at the Park Foundation, or the similarly situated Ketchup Heirs at Heinz, $100K for any kind of anti-side legal challenge would not be a problem.  And everybody knows that a Chesapeake Energy or an ExxonMobil — both of which can effortlessly prove they've also had leased property rights that were made worthless by the situation in New York — could, in a heartbeat, figure out a way to write checks for the rest of what the JLCNY needs.

But here's the rub:  Because this sort of David v. Goliath Showdown is set to occur in as much a political arena as a legal one, the JLCNY Elders — for reasons of keeping the group's motives pure — refuse to accept industry money to fund their case!

Is that notably noble, or just plain stupid, or what is it? 

But let me just further ask — has anybody ever read such a key fact in any of the Gannett chain dailies, which claim to serve the Southern Tier epicenter for this conflict?  Have any comfort-the-afflicted scribes statewide
given equal time to these downtrodden citizens, with their sorry frayed shoestring?  Has public radio's Susan Arbetter — or the laughably misnamed "Innovation Trail" (where the coverage inexorably skews toward provincial well-off activist resistance to the now-global innovation of shale gas technology) — noted that upstate landowners are now so beaten down, so dispirited, and so impoverished as to struggle for the resources to simply demand their day in court?

Yeah, I didn't think so.

Tuesday, May 14, 2013

A Modest Proposal: Drill-Ban Towns Could Just Ask Folks to Vote with Their Square Feet

I realize this idea will never fly.  But it would be much fairer than the current confiscatory state of affairs regarding shale gas in New York, where the winners don't even bother seeking to meet the losers half-way.

Rather than put in a temporary moratorium or permanent ban on drilling, New York townships could simply rent the underlying mineral rights — and then decline to use them.  It's not a solution that relies on blunt regulation, or fiat, but on compromise and horse-trading.

It's very similar to a public agency, or an environmentally minded group, buying development rights, sometimes also known as conservation easements.  These involve willing sellers, willing buyers, and prices they meet at someplace in the middle.

In New York, towns wouldn't have to lease everything.  Just a tad above 40%, on average, crazy-quilted across the landscape, would prevent any serious operator from qualifying for a state permit for anything other than an old-school vertical well.

Town leaders could just sit down with the grassroots landowner coalitions and negotiate the price on a 5- or 10-year model lease:  Joe and Josephine Landowner, Lessor, to Town of Freakout, Lessee.  And then the town would have to pay up, of course.  And, yes, you'd have to do it all over again in five or ten years, if the townspeople haven't come around to any kind of New Religion in the meanwhile.

To motivate the marketplace, a town could run it as a first-come, first-serve, limited-time-offer kind of thing — at least until its quota is reached, at which point they could close up the lease-buying shop, and the latecomers lose their chances.

Put the word out what the standing offer is, buy some lunch for a few otherwise idle notaries public, and schedule a couple signings en masse.  Possibly sync these events up with a chicken barbecue or something, and put on some heartfelt presentations in the school auditorium themed "Peace in Our Time."

People with a lot of land effectively get a discount, or possibly even a rebate, on their land taxes.  Villagers and small lot holders make up the difference.  It's an end to the bully's free lunch of getting away with just pushing people around.

Ever-mistrustful anti's would be free to boycott the proceedings by either relying instead upon their tallies of acreage that's already pledged to never (again) be put under lease.  Or by leasing all their land, for a nominal price, and for the same no-drill purpose, to an organization they feel confident will never do anything with those rights.

Vote with your square feet.

Either way, you add it all up, and you could put a rough pricetag on the preliminary costs of a community's decision to decline the opportunity shale gas poses — at least within the current climate of nagging skepticism that New York will ever be able to get its act together on this score.

The point is these bans cost something.  For those landowners willing to turn down such an opportunity, and to eat those costs on principle, I see it as a matter of private rights and choice, and I cannot object. 

But for those who demand to be compensated for something owned — something that's essentially being confiscated from them by popular will — show them the money.  To me, it's just another side to the coin of "environmental justice."

Then put the whole lease plan to a referendum, including the final costs.  If the townsfolk start back-peddling when the final bill comes due, well, then, that should tell you something about the depth of their current mania.

All this is the same kind of tough choice anybody faces in any kind of legitimate marketplace:  If there's no cost to the proponent, demand is unlimited, but, if there's skin in the game — well, then, not so much.

Friday, May 10, 2013

Millennium Pipeline Floats Upstate North-South Natural Gas Connector

Yet another chance for New York's anti-development forces to say "not in my backyard," even while thousands of Upstate residents, businesses, and institutions — including Whitney Point, NY, my hometown — continue to have no competitive consumer-level energy options other than electricity, trucked-in fuel oil/propane, or the joys of firewood.


The developer — a consortium known as Millennium, which includes National Grid as a member, and which already controls the main west-east pipeline through New York's Southern Tier — floated trial balloons on this 60-mile south-north natural gas pipeline plan on May 9-10, 2013.  Unsurprisingly, no mainstream or web-based outlets have so far gone to the trouble of posting the map, which to me is the most interesting thing.  So I dug it out myself.

Right now, and for the rest of the month of May, Millennium is just shopping for enough transmission customers to justify building at least a 24-inch diameter line.  If there's more than enough interest, the pipe could go bigger.  On the other hand, if there's not enough need — measured exclusively by the private sector, according to future flow commitments — then this thing could easily die an early death, and we in New York can go back to our regularly scheduled programming.

The project is going to go by either the dull name Phase 1, or the somewhat more descriptive North-South Upstate Pipeline Connector.  The concept — the same as several other already built, building, or proposed plans — is to get around the Northeast U.S. west-east bottleneck by sliding burgeoning WV-OH-PA shale gas production to open west-east pipeline capacity to the north.  Big city markets in New York and New England would be very quietly using up most of it, although I suppose the politically testy natural gas exports angle could be a factor in the long run (no such proposals have been put forth yet in the Northeast).


From a very provincial perspective, but one that happens to be very important to me,
this pipeline could put an end to that sorry lack of energy choices in small towns in the Tioughnioga River valley.  But I'm already certain that this pipeline plan is going to turn into another branch of the larger political fight over shale gas, regardless of what New York State ever winds up deciding (or failing to decide) on this issue, so far as its own citizens' undeveloped resources are concerned.

I know there are always winners and losers in politics, but this kind of reflexive conflict in New York State is getting ridiculous.


At this point, I think I would welcome an activism-imbued township, somewhere along this route, seeking to naively try enforcing a ban on not only all localized drilling, but also through-transport of fossil fuels by pipeline.  Such a "Home Rule"-inspired ban should eventually be crushed under the principles of federally protected interstate commerce.

(But, then again, maybe not.  Maybe the balkanization of New York continues and prevails, no matter what the long-term up-shot of all this might be.)

We've already seen in New York, at least for the time-being, that "Home Rule" is capable of both politically and legally trumping long-standing private property rights, much to the dismay of local landowners who mistakenly thought they still held onto something constitutionally protected against popularly inflamed confiscation.  My hope would be that pushing "Home Rule" to the next level should expose the fact that it's really just "States Rights" for green reactionaries, where provincial interests go too far by getting in the hair of the larger public interest.

Reading further between the lines of Millennium's announcement (which you can peruse for yourself here):

"Millennium has executed a Memorandum of Understanding with the owner of an existing pipeline and the related right of way associated with that pipeline.  Millennium has completed a preliminary constructability assessment of the right of way and has conducted a review of the property records underlying that right of way and has determined that the right of way for the proposed extension is usable from both a constructability and land rights perspective."

Translation:  To minimize the impact, the pipeline planners want to "co-locate" this natural gas pipeline alongside an already built, refined and liquid fossil fuels pipeline (which should be familiar to locals on the ground with its orange or yellow markers).  To my knowledge, this should be the Sunoco Corporation's 8-inch line, which moves refined product from Philadelphia, PA, to an end point in Brewerton, NY.  This is historically known as the "Sun Pipe Line," and probably dates from, like, the 1930's.

Question:  Does the developer actually propose it won't have to pay host landowners to expand the use of these old easements — because it's going in as a sub-tenant under open-ended boilerplate language in these old documents?  That's not a good start, and I sure hope not.  They're going to have a big enough fight on their hands, as it is.

Wednesday, May 1, 2013

ExxonMobil's XTO Now Camped Out With 5 Wells In NY's Stalled Shale Gas Queue

[Original post Feb. 27, 2013.  Updated May 1, 2013 upon receipt from DEC Albany of the two Delaware County unit maps proposed by XTO.]

Three more full-on Marcellus shale drilling applications from ExxonMobil subsidiary XTO Energy popped within New York State's electronic records during Feb. 2013. 

Adding these three to two previous XTO filings — previously reported here and here alone in Oct. 2012, but now re-cast with this fresh update — I've mapped all five projects
with pins marking top and bottom holes below, and summarized all five at the end of this post (together with links to detailed maps of the proposed units, when I get my hands on the new ones).

View XTO Energy (ExxonMobil subsidiary) — Five Marcellus shale gas applications in NYS in a larger map

Significant?

These are the first of any sort of application statewide for XTO, never before an active driller in New York State by that name.

But they're
also the first horizontal shale gas requests from a well-known, well-funded developer — at least since New York State started informally refusing such applications sometime during the early months of its now fully 5-year-old bureaucratic blockade against this new enterprise.  A number of pre- and early-moratorium applications still technically sit idle within the DEC's electronic records, but so many of the underlying leases have lapsed in the meantime — or fallen under the legal cloudiness of the force majeure issue — all of these old applications are likely to be scrapped, or to be total do-overs.

XTO's projects are all within Broome County's easternmost Sanford or the adjoining Township of Deposit in Delaware County.  Both townships sit just north of the politically significant NY-PA state line (though the shale has been sitting for many years under both jurisdictions without knowing the difference).  While Deposit looks as though it sits wholly within the Delaware River drainage, Sanford straddles the watershed divide between the incapacitated Delaware Basin, and the much more accommodating Susquehanna River drainage area.  (Yes, they're both free-flowing rivers; but, again, it's just that the bureaucracies are different.)

Nonetheless, the surface pads for all of these XTO wells —
including the Dew Dec A 1H, which I'm told is named for landowner Dewey Decker, Sanford Town Supervisor, and an early advocate for upstate's budding lease opportunities — are proposed for hilltop wooded terrain draining ultimately to the Delaware, not the Susquehanna.

What this all means is that XTO — for reasons that probably only an optimist could explain — is now ready and eager to get into a line that's been long blocked, not by one, but by two, shale gas moratoriums.

For the first moratorium, New York environmental officials have been flat-footed since Feb. 15, 2008 (the date of the first such stalled application anywhere statewide from industry).  Then
— since July 23, 2008, the birth date for the tortured and still-unresolved SGEIS process — these officials were busy coping with studious delay, and unprecedented public commentary, on this question.

For the second moratorium, the federal-state compact Delaware River Basin Commission has been stymied from reaching a consensus (or even just taking a vote) on its own version of over-lapping regulations governing such activity.  Unlike the similar, adjoining federal-state compact Susquehanna River Basin Commission, the DRBC decided early on it had to do much more than simply regulate water withdrawals in its zone of influence.  But then the DRBC's proposed, over-the-top regulatory scheme got bogged down in politics, same as in New York — a pool of quicksand from which the path of least (short-term) resistance always seems to mean... don't sink; don't swim; don't even struggle; just delay, delay, delay.

These XTO applications also represent a challenge to anti-leaning observers (most mainstream reporters, and a handful of pseudo-journalistic bloggers), as well as to basically-burned-out well-wishers for progress (such as myself, at least on certain days) — all of whom have become increasingly hopeful/fearful that indigenous shale gas will never be produced from under gridlocked New York.  (At least not within the foreseeable future.)


It's true that financially troubled Norwegian penny stock Norse Energy has made similar filings —
camping out in the DEC's stalled shale gas queue since July 2011 with 29 new, mostly horizontal, Marcellus and Utica shale applications.  But it's been easy for many to ignore Norse's efforts as a persuasive stunt, or as a prop to the hopefulness of its investors, or as a sweetening to its underlying assets for an eventual sale.

But now well-heeled XTO joins bedraggled Norse to "occupy" New York's line.


Hmmm...

API Well Number:  31007300060000 (proposed unit map obtained and uploaded off-site here)

Well Name:  Dew Dec A 1H
Company Name:  XTO Energy
Well Type:  Not Listed
Well Status:  App to Drill/Plug/Convert
Objective Formation:  Marcellus
County:  Broome
Town:  Sanford
Status Date:  10/11/2012
Permit Application Date:  10/3/2012
Well Orientation:  Horizontal
Surface Longitude:  -75.519335
Surface Latitude:  42.064837
Bottom Hole Longitude:  -75.506605
Bottom Hole Latitude:  42.054007
True Vertical Depth:  6050
Bottom Hole Total Measured Depth:  11000
Drilled Depth:  11000
Proposed Well Type:  Gas Wildcat
Spacing: 
Spacing Acres:  619.1
Integration: 
Last Modified Date:  10/11/2012

API Well Number:  31007300070000 (proposed unit map obtained and uploaded off-site here)
Well Name:  Cempa Unit A 1H
Company Name:  XTO Energy
Well Type:  Not Listed
Well Status:  App to Drill/Plug/Convert
Objective Formation:  Marcellus
County:  Broome
Town:  Sanford
Status Date:  10/11/2012
Permit Application Date:  10/3/2012
Well Orientation:  Horizontal
Surface Longitude:  -75.503886
Surface Latitude:  42.079922
Bottom Hole Longitude:  -75.514772
Bottom Hole Latitude:  42.091136
True Vertical Depth:  6077
Bottom Hole Total Measured Depth:  10795
Drilled Depth:  10795
Proposed Well Type:  Gas Wildcat
Spacing: 
Spacing Acres:  635.2
Integration: 
Last Modified Date:  10/11/2012

API Well Number:  31025300000000 (proposed unit map obtained and uploaded off-site here — after waiting out a nearly 2-month Freedom of Information Law delay engineered within DEC Albany)
Well Name:  Begeal 1H
Company Name:  XTO Energy
Well Type:  Not Listed
Well Status:  App to Drill/Plug/Convert
Objective Formation:  Marcellus
County:  Delaware
Town:  Deposit
Status Date:  2/20/2013
Permit Application Date:  1/18/2013
Well Orientation:  Horizontal
Surface Longitude:  -75.35141
Surface Latitude:  42.017858
Bottom Hole Longitude:  -75.355152
Bottom Hole Latitude:  42.033241
True Vertical Depth:  5870
Bottom Hole Total Measured Depth:  11170
Drilled Depth:  11170
Proposed Well Type:  Gas Development
Spacing: Conforms to statewide spacing under Title 5
Spacing Acres:  633.23
Integration: Integration order pending
Last Modified Date:  2/20/2013

API Well Number:  31025300010000 (proposed unit map obtained and uploaded off-site here —
after waiting out a nearly 2-month Freedom of Information Law delay engineered within DEC Albany)
Well Name:  Shaefer Unit 1H
Company Name:  XTO Energy
Well Type:  Not Listed
Well Status:  App to Drill/Plug/Convert
Objective Formation:  Marcellus
County:  Delaware
Town:  Deposit
Status Date:  2/21/2013
Permit Application Date:  1/18/2013
Well Orientation:  Horizontal
Surface Longitude:  -75.365989
Surface Latitude:  42.121412
Bottom Hole Longitude:  -75.372014
Bottom Hole Latitude:  42.128093
True Vertical Depth:  5995
Bottom Hole Total Measured Depth:  10732
Drilled Depth:  10732
Proposed Well Type:  Gas Development
Spacing: Non-statutory unit under Title 5; conforms to policy objectives
Spacing Acres:  579.95
Integration: Integration order pending
Last Modified Date:  2/21/2013

API Well Number:  31007300080000 (proposed unit map uploaded off-site here)
Well Name:  Kelly Unit 1H
Company Name:  XTO Energy
Well Type:  Not Listed
Well Status:  App to Drill/Plug/Convert
Objective Formation:  Marcellus
County:  Broome
Town:  Sanford
Status Date:  2/21/2013
Permit Application Date:  1/29/2013
Well Orientation:  Horizontal
Surface Longitude:  -75.4611045
Surface Latitude:  42.098447
Bottom Hole Longitude:  -75.468786
Bottom Hole Latitude:  42.108737
True Vertical Depth:  5873
Bottom Hole Total Measured Depth:  10088
Drilled Depth:  10088
Proposed Well Type:  Gas Wildcat
Spacing: Non-statutory unit under Title 5; review in progress
Spacing Acres:  555.49
Integration:
Last Modified Date:  2/21/2013

Tuesday, March 12, 2013

Cuomo Drowning in "Hallway Chatter":
Score Another for NY's Unchecked Capture

“I think the landowners’ consultants and the lobbyists for the pro-fracking groups would be better advised to spend their time actually getting out information to allay the fears of the people of this state than worrying about hallway chatter...  Their job is to communicate to the people of the state, to say that this is a safe process, to be open and available. And that’s what they should be doing.”
This is a testy New York Governor Andrew Cuomo on Monday, March 11, 2013, during an exclusive exchange with Gannett's Jon Campbell.

The astounding thing to me is that nobody seems to have tried to interpret the heart of this pique.  Most observers readily understand Cuomo's complaints that the pro-drilling side has long ago lost the PR war, at least provincially.

But I want to tell you what I think the rest of it means.

First, here's the background: 

Michael Gormley of the Associated Press's Albany branch had dropped a weekend story March 2 or so.  In that piece, well-heeled downstate environmental activist, ex-Cuomo brother-in-law, and former natural gas supporter Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. led a committee of named and unnamed sources in painting a word-picture in which the Grappling Governor in a Blue Singlet had finally been turned on fracking.

According to these preposterously unreliable sources, Cuomo had hung up the phone with Junior and decided that New York would now embrace another year or more of continued delay — politically justified by the "sounds reasonable" desire to await the results of three or more expert studies of the Fracking = Negative Health Impacts hypothesis.

(Never mind that such results were years off, that some of the studies were envisioned to run more or less continuously, and that, even before the ink was dry on the research contracts, anybody who had spent any time even just leaning against the Ivory Tower could predict in advance that all of these studies would — in the end,
no matter the results — unanimously conclude with impassioned pleas for funds to support further study.  Science just goes on and on and on like that, with its hand out, and the world always partly uncertain.)

At the time of Gormley's construction, or shortly thereafter, there were some feeble denials from the Cuomo camp.  But nobody seemed to pay them much attention — not even the pro-frackers, whether they be industry, upstate landowners, or simply people who philosophically identify New York's human economy as the state's Biggest Fish to Fry.  Instead, Cuomo's last pillar of support for a rational, science-based, even-excessively-cautious regulatory scheme to check the actual, real-world impacts of a somewhere-necessary enterprise — the same as New York handles any other necessary enterprise — all that crumbled over the weekend due to lost faith, lost confidence, and lost patience.

The landowners were finally getting ready to wrap themselves in the American flag, hold up a copy of the Constitution, and sue for the taking of their property rights as an economically oppressed political minority — something I wish they could have found a way to do years ago. 

The loss of heart suffered by the regular people of New York was only confirmed by the tale from Kennedy and the green contingent, as told to a complicit AP.

That's what Cuomo, a week or so later, is reported to be upset about.  That's what Cuomo's reacting to when he decries the impact of "hallway chatter."  Neither Cuomo nor his specialist deputies have actually openly said shit — other than the usual science-and-facts-not-emotion shit.  But the pro-fracking side bought into the "hallway chatter," and continued a turn much more aggressively against his administration.

Mister "Open For Business."  The Ditherer.  Hamlet on the Hudson, Version 2.0.  The pro-drilling side had never really approached sarcasm previously — preferring instead to preserve a respectful relationship with both its hoped-for leader and its hopeful demographic.  It's the same reason that NPR's "Says You" and other weekend entertainments for the bookish left remarkably never, ever, ever make a joke at President Obama's expense.  It's just bad form, when you still have hopes of getting something.

Now, for the pro-drilling side, the hope is gone, and the sarcasm fills the vacuum.

Yesterday, with a remarkable lack of play statewide, the AP got around to contrarily reporting that Cuomo and his Health Department chief Nirav Shah were, in fact, saying New York's shale gas decision would not be unwisely and impractically hinged to a waiting game for further expert study results.  Cuomo and Shah said they never said that.


Now we have a chance to look back at Gormley's original piece and see that it was effortlessly planted, by one side in this debate, to run as The Inside Story, and that both sides were very successfully lulled into believing it:  The opposition because the story played to what they wanted to hear, and the proposition because it played to their deepest conspiratorial fears.  If you're able to establish the fictional narrative that the cat's out of the bag, maybe not even Cuomo will be able to summon the power, the courage, or the skills of leadership to hold onto the actual cat in the bag.

Gormley's original AP piece is truly a testament to the unchecked power of New York's environmental community to shape this state's provincial news, to control the narrative of its political conversation, to sculpt truth, and to get its stuff done.

The word that comes to my mind is "captured."

"Captured" is a word that has been traditionally used by the left to describe
the seamless way in which publicly spirited institutions, such as the press, do the bidding of monied, conservative special interests.  When it works smoothly, it's not really about favors, payoffs, or arm-twisting; it's really more of a cultural thing, a social rewards things, a group-think thing, a shaming thing, a peer-pressure thing. 

It's more about "How could you?"  As in, "How could you write that terrible story about how wonderful fracking will be for Upstate New York?"  Most working reporters in New York occupy a Bookstores, Coffee Shops, and Nifty Bars social class in which the courage to entertain certain Objective Facts from the Outside World simply brings too much grief — the same grief Cuomo has been dealing with since taking over as governor from David Patterson. 

You gotta be a conscientious iconoclast like the New York Post's Fred Dicker to devote yourself to taking the air out of that kind of pressure.

In New York, we've come full circle on "capture":  Most in-state media have long been "captured" by monied special interests disguised as environmental activism.  Of course, there are elements of ideology to this faction, but at the heart of this conflict it's mostly a war of both lifestyle and class that one side is in the process of winning. 

There's no justice for the losers.  Their losses are not even defined as an injustice.

In New York, public radio,
most of what's left of daily city-based journalism, and even a statewide news collective such as the AP — all function as branch offices of the Ithaca or Lower Hudson mindset.  Their preferred sources are protected by a heroic shroud of "good government."  Their preferred sources are only concerned about the environment, not about maintaining a particularly blessed, rule-laden lifestyle for their base, at the expense of others without advanced degrees.  Their preferred sources are not ideological; they're about doing the right thing.

The other side is only about ugly destruction and unseemly profit.  It's not about balanced regulation, property rights, working for a living, opportunity, hope, paying your bills, playing by the rules, or technological evolution, and the freedom to adapt to it. 

Oh, what a cage for New York!

Thursday, February 28, 2013

Cuomo's Lost Credibility Triggers Seismic Shift Within Upstate Landowner Leadership

An announcement posted late last night by leaders of the top pro-drilling coalition of Upstate New York landowners represents a seismic shift that's been a surprisingly slow, five years in the making.

Here are the words that make it so:

On February 8, 2013, the Joint Landowners Coalition of New York announced that it has been laying the ground work for a lawsuit against New York State for a taking of our property rights under the United States and New York Constitutions. The JLCNY is now seeking landowner candidates to serve as plaintiffs in the action.

The JLCNY believes that New York has no intention of ever completing the SGEIS or the regulations for high volume hydraulic fracturing
. After 4 ½ years, today marks another deadline missed by NY - the date to complete the HVHF regulations.


NY is clearly acting in bad faith
.  Ohio completed its HVHF regulations in 8 months.  This week Illinois introduced House Bill 2615 — the Illinois Hydraulic Fracturing Regulatory Act—after a 14-month bi-partisan effort that involved the Attorney General’s Office, environmental groups (NRDC and the Sierra Club), industry leaders and state legislators. Illinois Governor Pat Quinn praised the bill saying it will help his state’s economy. Ironically, the “New Albany” Shale is Illinois’ target formation but it’s business as usual in Albany, NY where our leaders continue to make a mockery of the regulatory process.


President Obama said in his state of the Union address: “After years of talking about it, we are finally poised to control our own energy future. We produce more oil at home than we have in 15 years. We have doubled the distance our cars will go on a gallon of gas, and the amount of renewable energy we generate from sources like wind and solar – with tens of thousands of good, American jobs to show for it. We produce more natural gas than ever before – and nearly everyone’s energy bill is lower because of it. And over the last four years, our emissions of the dangerous carbon pollution that threatens our planet have actually fallen.


Last week New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg said: "It is up to the governor, but I personally have said we should be fracking, not in the watershed, but we should be fracking. … About 13,000 people get killed every year by the pollutants from coal-fired plants. … [Also, as] Boone alluded to, getting oil from outside this country is expensive and it transfers our wealth to people who are trying to destroy our lives. … Of all the things we can do, natural gas isn't perfect, but it certainly looks like it can make this country energy-independent and reduce dramatically the pollutants going into the air," Bloomberg said.


On February 12, 2013, DOH Commissioner Shah perpetuated the state’s bad faith conduct by suggesting that he would review two health studies that had not yet been started or funded. News of DOH’s inability to complete its work on the latest health review came even though it was revealed that its advisory panel completed its work months earlier and that last year, DOH conducted a health review and found that there are no health impacts from HVHF.


While our nation’s leaders bring us closer than ever to achieving energy independence, cleaner air and economic prosperity, NY threatens to impede our progress and deny the constitutionally guaranteed rights of NY landowners.


The lawsuit against the state will focus on claims where the failure to grant HVHF permits has deprived landowners of all economically viable uses of their real property or interfered with reasonable investment-backed expectations.
The JLCNY's old tactic was to counsel patience and diplomacy among many of its angry members, naively choosing to trust that Gov. Cuomo would be true to his word — that the facts and the science of regulated shale gas development would trump ideology, emotion, and endless, provincial, bad press.

Now the leaders simply don't believe Cuomo anymore, a loss of trust that's painful to see, if only for its slowness to dawn.

The JLCNY's old tactic was to internally pooh-pooh the chances of a legal "takings" argument by landowners on two grounds:  One, that the state hadn't yet finished the process of stripping away their private property rights, and, two, that the U.S. Supreme Court had already turned its back on the partial stripping away of private property rights by governmental police power.

Now the leaders have come to understand that they must use all arenas to make their persuasive case, even arenas where they're likely doomed to fail, or mostly fail, in the end.

You ask me, should have been done long ago.


The bottom line is that Upstate landowners — even as a voting minority — own something of great, previously unforeseen value.  Something that has simply been taken away by New York State's inability to
govern itself. 

It is only private property in its narrowest sense.  You can measure the value of that private property in straight dollars, beneficial technological evolution, the proceeds of an invisible hand, economic opportunity, the individual freedom to choose a plan and work toward it, or simply broad hope. 

You want to raise cows, chickens, or alpacas? 
You do it.  You want to convert your house to geothermal?  You do it.  You want to arrange to have some trees cut for lumber?  You do it.  You want to invent the iPod?  You do it. 

You want to make a deal with the technologists to produce the natural gas that's consumed without question in Ithaca, or Hamilton, or New York City?


When the freedom to act on one's private interests is completely taken away by the power or the incapacity of government, it's no different than a street riot, mob rule, or a coup by self-dealing factions.

It is an injustice forbidden, from the beginning, by the American system.

What are the ground rules of the American system? 

What were the ground rules? 

And what do you stupidly and unwittingly give up when you work overtime
, as part of that righteous mob, to toss them out?

Upstate New York's private, land-owning interests ask only for tolerance and respect, as they try to do their thing within a regulated system.  I don't think it's too much to ask, and I'm glad there's still somebody left in this country asking it.

Post script:  For landowners to make their full "takings" case, there really should be a companion lawsuit filed by Wayne County, PA property owners against the Delaware River Basin Commission.  There's a parallel, perpetual moratorium going on there in which the incapacity of this particular branch of government to do the job it asserts for itself winds up unlawfully and unjustly taking away private property without any compensation.  The main difference in going up against the DRBC would be the possibility that the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, a member of the DRBC, might well be pressed into formally taking sides.

Tuesday, February 26, 2013

NYS DEC Mineral Resources Division
Issues Annual Report... For 2010

Better late than never, I guess:  Three PDF's popped on the New York Department of Environmental Conservation Minerals Division web site here, sometime during February 2013.

The documents — which represent an annual tradition customarily not gotten around to until more than a year has passed — cover drilling and mining activity statewide during 2010, such as it was.

But a check of the internal properties riding with the files shows the last date of revision would have been Feb. 11, 2013.

Why is this significant? 

Well, as in all matters of faith and politics, you're free to choose your spin:

• (Anti) The DEC is so underfunded and overwhelmed by its legacy duties it can't even get an annual report out until more than two years have passed.  (These civil servants will never be in a position to oversee shale gas development, should it ever come to that.)

• (Pro) Must be all the work on that shale gas SGEIS is finally over, since staffers apparently now have enough free time to catch up.  (The science is in; it's up to the governor now; God help us.)

The reports themselves are pretty good reading, if you happen to be of the frame of mind to take an interest in the matter-of-fact, historical context for mineral resource extraction in New York — everything from surprisingly uncontroversial deep geothermal well drilling in Manhattan, to mining for garnet (the state gem) in the Adirondacks.

If, on the other hand, you're looking for more fodder on a steady diet of public indictment of this enterprise, this unemotional bureaucratic presentation will undoubtedly turn your stomach.